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Whereas in the 1970s considerable conflict characterized transatlantic economic relations, still before the mid-1970s the two sides of the Atlantic managed to find satisfactory compromises on most issues. To explain this outcome, I argue that disputes in the economic realm among highly interdependent entities tend to mobilize countervailing forces. Fearing losses, these forces push for a resolution of controversial issues before they can set off a genuine crisis. After applying this argument to the case of the 1970s, I suggest that a similar mechanism may help the European Union and the United States find compromises on disputed issues in the early twenty-first century as well.

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The following essay attempts to identify and interpret the striking discursive similarities between the 2003 European Security Strategy and the 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States of America. According to the main argument of the essay, the Atlantic dimension of the European Security Strategy is not simply a result of American political-military supremacy. Rather, it reflects an ideological, institutional and material convergence between dominant sections of the European foreign policy establishment and the United States, under the banners of Atlanticism and new liberal imperialism.

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This article uses the case of the Irish Reprimand to showcase the importance of European Monetary Union (EMU) credibility. Although the reprimand was justified in light of Ireland's inflationary spillover effects and pro-cyclical fiscal policies, the measures taken by the European Union (EU) against Ireland have resulted-and may continue to result in a loss of credibility with respect to EU citizens who see contradictions in EU behavior, especially considering the fact that clear violators of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), for example, Germany and France go unpunished. Considering the reprimand in the context of the current debate surrounding the SGP, it is important that the EMU focus on maintaining credibility with EU citizens (not financial markets) by consistently and transparently applying its measures to gain public opinion and confidence.

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This article attempts to respond to questions of public policy change that increasingly preoccupy political science given complex multilevel pressures at international and regional levels. To reveal the ways transformations at both the supranational and interstate levels constrain policymaking, and to understand the interactions at work, we first highlight how recent changes observed in domains as diverse as foreign and security policies, defense policy and family policy can be interpreted as signs of convergence. Secondly, in a more causalist perspective, we envision several variables as possible explanations of convergence. Finally, we seek to understand. convergence by observing mechanisms through which it may be produced.

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This article deals with transatlantic trade relations and analyses the question of whether or not the US-EU economic partnership has become substantially damaged in recent years. First, the authors differentiate between traditional trade disputes (Airbus/Boeing and the Byrd Amendment) and systemic trade disputes (GMOs and FSCs), before identifying the main political and economic causes for conflicts. Based on the analysis of four major trade disputes, the authors then come to the conclusion that the transatlantic economic partnership is still strong, while it currently also faces serious challenges which should not be underestimated. Therefore, they demand that the EU and the US intensify their efforts for conflict prevention and resolution and strengthening of the transatlantic institutional framework.

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The main purpose of the new Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe was to produce a more efficient and more democratic decision-making process for an enlarged European Union (EU). This article argues that the new arrangements have added no real progress towards a more democratic Common Foreign and Security Policy and European Security and Defense Policy. It also claims that a number of practical suggestions for bridging that particular democratic gap have not been included, and that the new defense dimension adds yet another democratic deficit to the EU. All these developments sadly confirm the view that the question of the democratization of the EU's foreign, security, and defense policies does not top the current political agenda.

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This essay examines EU relations towards those states in the east that are outside the EU accession process. Long been forgotten, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova represent significant neighbours of the EU that require careful policies of reform in order to promote political and economic development, and therefore greater security across Europe.

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Human rights abuses in Sub-Saharan Africa are increasing the risk of HIV transmission to women and girls throughout the region: an overview of rights violations and relevant international law.

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Ever since the end of the Cold War the British people and their leaders have been involved in a lengthy debate on national identity, a discussion now likely to come to a head with the referendum on the proposed EU constitution. In this context the alliance with America functions not only as a guiding principle in foreign policy, but has provided the governments of the last twenty years with a constant source of models for modernization of the State, the political culture and national economic performance. But 'top-down' Americanization is a contradiction in terms and is failing.

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A reassessment of the age of the European Parliament could theoretically put the EU as a political system on a par with other new democracies in transition. Applying such theories of transitology through the comparative politics paradigm to analyze the EU might offer a more appropriate benchmark for studies into institutional developments, particularly of trans-national agents such as the new EU level parties. By considering the characteristics of the EU, this essay evaluates the merits of a transition-comparison with reference to several aspects of the EU: institutions; actors; civil society and legitimacy. The discussion considers the implications and problems of this new approach.

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Poland, among 10 states, is taking an extraordinary step by joining EU on May 1st. The sensitive balance of EU and the future of the new member states are about to change. The vital step in sustaining this balance is the ability and timeliness of adjustment processes for both Poland and the EU.

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Four decades of the American embargo against Cuba have not led to significant political change on the island. It's time to contemplate a more effective policy against Castro: allowing unlimited investment and travel to Cuba. This will strengthen the nascent democratic movement already present there and promote real change from within, but a policy reversal this drastic will take political willpower that's unlikely in an American election year.

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The EU has long not fully trusted whether Turkey really intends to make the political and cultural changes necessary for EU membership. Turkey, for its part, reciprocates the suspicion. Turkish President Ozal stated in 1992, Turkey's human rights record "is a made up reason why Turkey should not join the EU. The real reason is that we are Muslim, and they are Christian". From the Turkish point of view, the EU has never been serious about admitting Turkey.

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Even with foreign military surveillance, Afghanistan's democratization may become no more than a paper tiger and Iraq's a solid clay pigeon for ethnic groups to shoot at. So suggests a post-war comparative study of (a) the democratization mandates, (b) structures and procedures envisioned, and (c) the implementation record. Depending on how welcome foreign troops are in other ethnically divided societies today, they too may find their fate between the paper and pigeon roles.

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This article criticizes the nature of relations between the West and the Islamic world by suggesting that current relations of "co-optation" are not beneficial to either party.

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How American discourse defines terrorism and identifies the factors responsible for its genesis and evolution has a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy. Since the events of September 11th the Bush administration has made a conscientious effort to establish the denigration of human rights as the root of terrorism. The narrowness of this formulation has had a negative impact on the development and deployment of an effective national security strategy.

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Several institutions exist in El Salvador to monitor and enforce compliance with human rights standards by multinational corporations (MNCs). However, their effectiveness varies strongly as they differ in terms of legitimacy, resources and sanctioning power. Comparing these institutions, the article comes to the conclusion that many of them are largely ineffective. The most effective one is a special Salvadoran institution, GMIES, created on the basis of a voluntary agreement between MNCs and NGOs, which combines NGO independence with MNC cooperation.

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For several years now, Israel has been running a secret detention center, known as "Facility 1391", where a number of detainees have been held in unclear circumstances. After the NGO HaMoked filed a number of petitions regarding the enforced disappearance of Palestinians, the State Attorney's Office had to recognize the existence of the secret prison before the Supreme Court of Israel. This study presents the known facts about the covert detention site and attempts to show, in light of both international and domestic law, how the conditions of incarceration and the interrogation methods used by the General Security Service at Camp 1391 constitute grave violations of human rights.

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